Beginning in the early-1980s, President Ronald Reagan and a small group of his closest advisors initiated a plan to destabilize the Russian ruble. Reagan recruited his most-trusted intelligence agent Leo Emil Wanta to perform this delicate task. Wanta had served the U.S. intelligence community as a Treasury agent, in arms dealing and in other “sensitive” matters. He was chosen for this mission, not only for his loyalty to the president, but also for his unfailing honesty. In addition to his responsibilities in carrying out this covert financial coup against the former Soviet Union, Wanta was also instrumental in thwarting an attempted assassination of President Reagan “in the White House”—yet another event that went unreported by the media.
The presidency of Ronald Reagan was tumultuous, to say the least. Reagan’s administration survived several scandals and he, personally, survived several assassination attempts. Only one of these attempts, the shooting by John W. Hinkley, Jr., would be made public. That shooting was captured live on television and posed a particular problem for the media—there would be no video coverup of the events. Even the shooting of White House Press Secretary Jim Brady was broadcast, along with the apprehension of Hinkley.
In hindsight, a closer look at the 1981 attempted assassination of President Reagan smacks of a conspiracy. Not of Jodie Foster, but of a Montauk-style event. Was it possible that “those in the know” had other plans for our president? The jury who heard Hinkley’s case determined he was “not guilty by reason of insanity.” It is quite plausible that Hinkley was a mind-control experiment, a la MK-Ultra. After all, how does one associate the love of a teen actress with the assassination of a U.S. president? Only those familiar with the Montauk experiments would suspect such an association would be the result of mind control programming.
What remained a part of the official media coverup of this failed assassination were numerous pertinent facts. Hinkley’s father, John, Sr. was a former oil-business associate and golfing buddy of George H.W. Bush. Bush was suspiciously absent during the event and, according to accounts of various White House staffers, was resentful of Alexander Haig’s “I’m in control” proclamations. The evening of the assassination attempt, John Hinkley’s brother and his wife were “dinner guests” at the home of the Vice-President’s son, Neil Bush, of Silverado Savings and Loan fame. Coincidence?
President Reagan’s administration began auspiciously with the release of the 63 embassy hostages being held in Iran, an event which was orchestrated to embarrass a sitting president, Jimmy Carter, thus assuring a Republican march to the White House. The failed “secret rescue attempt” which resulted in crashed military helicopters in the desert before the event was successfully launched, may have been orchestrated as well.
In November, 1986, President Reagan admitted to Americans that arms were sold to Iran in the summer of 1985, but he insisted there was no relation to the above-mentioned hostage release. Israel played a part in no fewer than three deliveries of tube-launched, optically-tracked, wire command link-guided (TOW) missiles to Iran, which subsequently resulted in the release of another hostage, Benjamin Weir. Without the release of some 29 other hostages, Israel withdrew from its original agreement with the U.S. and Iran. The U.S. implemented a second strategy, an operation headed by Lt. Col. Oliver North, to sell the arms directly to Iran—with a considerable markup—and then send the profits to Nicaragua, to covertly fund the Contra rebels who were fighting the communist Sandanistas in power.
It was also assumed that the CIA was involved in drug trafficking as part of the Iran-Contra affair, and many have since come forward to confirm those suspicions. Much has already been written by others about the validity of the War on Drugs. As we would soon come to find out, this was the proverbial tip of the iceberg.
In 1982, Inslaw, a Washington, D.C., computer software manufacturer, developed a program called “PROMIS.” The program was to be used by the U.S. Justice Department to track cases across the country and would be useful in organizing the department’s case files. One feature of PROMIS was its command-line structure, which permitted some 700,000 instructions. Although the program was designed to be used by the bankruptcy courts, it found its way into the NSA, the DIA, the CIA, the FBI, and Royal Canadian Mounted Police.
Coincidentally, Inslaw sued for payment of the software which was stolen and then pirated. Inslaw sued the Justice Department and won a $6.8 million judgment, a verdict that remains in dispute.
When it was discovered that PROMIS could be used to track military movements and other sensitive data, the software fell into the hands of the Israeli intelligence community and the government of Iraq as well. This could explain the ban on of the sale of PC-486 processor technology to Iraq during the first Gulf War.
According to an article in The American Free Press by Mike Blair, “A Terrorist, the CIA, ‘Blue Death’ and the Inslaw Case”, in 1986 a clandestine meeting took place at the Hilton Hotel in Sherman Oaks, California. Present were several key figures: Ted Gunderson, former Supervisory Special Agent for the Los Angeles District of the FBI; Ralph Olberg, a “prominent, American businessman who worked at the Afghan desk of the State Department”; Michael Riconosciuto, “then a long-time weapons and explosives expert linked to the CIA” and “the Inslaw case” and “Tim Osman,” the alias assigned to Osama bin Laden “without his beard,” according to Orlin Grabbe, the newsman who first reported the story.
At the Hilton meeting, discussions centered on “the supply of U.S. Stinger II missiles and modified Red Chinese 107 mm rockets obtained through Olberg’s Norinco contacts in China,” to be used by Afghan rebels against Soviet helicopters and other aircraft. Reports were to then be forwarded to the CIA as to the missiles’ effectiveness against the Soviet aircraft.
It was known that the computer software had also “fallen into the hands of the Israeli Mossad.” The article described how the software had been used as a “backdoor entry” into intelligence computers. This meeting was also a precursor to the events of 9/11, indicating the existence of covert relationships between so-called “terrorist organizations” and the U.S. government prior to Sept. 11, 2001.
Stirring the pot, thickening the plot
Enter Leo Emil Wanta, Ambassador from Somalia to Switzerland and Canada. With an initial investment of $150 billion, borrowed from the U.S. Treasury and, thus, the American people, Wanta purchased rubles from contacts in the Netherlands. According to Wanta, the ruble was valued at $1.20 on the international currency market at the time. By purchasing rubles in above-normal quantities, his company, AmeriTrust Groupe, Inc., of Vienna, Austria and other locations, was able to acquire them far below the standard exchange rates. To boot, his company was trading with U.S. dollars and other currencies.
During several live radio interviews on Greg Szymanski’s “Investigative Journal” radio program in early 2006 on the Republic Broadcasting Network, Wanta described purchasing rubles at various prices ranging “from 18 to 23 cents on the dollar.” AmeriTrust Groupe, Inc., would then resell the rubles at higher rates to other investors in the financial markets. Dollars were converted into rubles, rubles into yen (or other currencies) and the process would be repeated, over and over again, until the Soviet banks could no longer bear the pressure of cashing in their own currency. According to Ambassador Wanta, “the accounts were distributed throughout secret offshore accounts and had doubled in value every two years.”
It should be emphasized that the plan Ambassador Wanta designed was perfectly legal. The same strategy is employed everyday by investors throughout the world. Wanta’s plan differed though, in that his goal, at the bequest of President Reagan, was to cause a financial collapse of the Soviet Union. His repeated purchase of “discounted rubles” enabled him to profit with an advantage not available to others in the financial markets – but was and is still legal. The plan was carried out under Executive Order 12333 (EO 12333, UNITED STATES FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES is a comprehensive executive order, easily found on the Internet, that was signed by President Reagan on December 4, 1981.)